Spain has been ruled by a military dictator, restored a monarchy, restored democracy, experienced a military coup, had a terrorist separatist organisation kill innocent civilians, joined the EU, joined the euro, just escaped a near financial collapse, and had a king abdicate.
Brexit, Trump victory, both are fuelled by economic changes, but also the decline of once-cherished institutions, including family, church and labour unions, all contributing to a fear that the world is changing in ways that workers, or else their children, cannot keep up with. “There used to be a lot more middle-class jobs,” said Clyde bleakly, another concrete ladler (source). “These days there are just people high up working on computers and a lot of guys working in Denny’s.” Hence, Not only is capitalism creating a lot of pointless jobs, but making disappear “classic jobs” or middle-class jobs.
Great example of how to engage with the target group of your study by sporadic conversations. The original source is an article on Trump victory and the reality of rural areas in US. In it, the political science professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison Kathy Cramer speakes about his last book The Politics of Resentment, where she traces the rise of conservative Governor Scott Walker and the political evolution of Wisconsin. What Cramer says she found is that a strong sense of rural identity in the communities she visited has become a key driver of political motivation in Wisconsin. And over time, that sense of rural identity has come to be largely defined as an us vs. them mentality, with the them being people who live in cities.
Here I paste the most relevant parts regarding the methodology applied:
…what I did was to sample a broad array of communities in Wisconsin. And I asked people who lived there, “Where in this community do people go to hang out with one another?”
What’s important to understand is that these were not one-on-one interviews, these were not focus groups of people I assembled. These were groups of people who, for the most part, meet with each other every day, and they’ve been doing so for years. So I was inviting myself into their existing relationships in the places they already meet. I think that’s part of the reason why I was able to get the local texture. It wasn’t like trying to invite them on to the university campus and then trying to glean what I could out of them. Obviously the conversation changed a bit because I was there and asking questions. But these were groups of folks who were really used to talking with one another about politics.
This group was all men, older, some on their way to work and some retirees—so kind of the Trump demographic. I said to them, “What do you hope that Trump changes? Like, five years from now, what differences do you expect to see?” And initially their response was well, nothing. Nothing that presidents do ever affects us here in this place.
Galicia non é de dereitas. Existe unha maior porcentaxe de potenciais votantes de partidos de esquerda ou centro esquerda, arredor do 40%, fronte a un 37% que suman PP e Ciudadanos, a xulgar pola última enquisa CIS. Como moito habería que falar dunha clara fragmentación esquerda-dereita. Outra cousa é que iso se vexa reflexado nos resultados electorais, e non o fai por varios motivos, como a lei electoral ou a incapacidade de mobilizar ao electorado de esquerdas. Noutras palabras, Galicia inclínase cara esquerda en termos sociolóxicos e cara a dereita en termos electorais.
El mayor obstáculo para resolver el grave problema actual no es económico, sino político, pues el cambio propuesto implica un enfrentamiento con grupos muy poderosos: en primer lugar, nos encontramos con el enorme poder del 1% de la población de más renta (los súper ricos), al cual hay que sumar, en segundo lugar, el 10 ó el 15% de renta superior, es decir, de la clase media de renta alta, la clase media profesional, que está al servicio de aquel 1%, gestionando los aparatos de la reproducción del sistema a través de la difusión de valores, percepciones, creencias, recursos e instituciones que sostienen el dominio político y la hegemonía ideológica cultural en tales países.
Vicenc Navarro en “Las ignoradas causas de la enorme crisis que estamos viviendo“