The Photographer of highly impacted landscapes by human intervention

<p><a href=”″>Tom Hegen: The Salt Series</a> from <a href=””>1854 Media</a> on <a href=””>Vimeo</a&gt;.</p>


France Plans an Extreme Makeover for Struggling Small Cities

FEARGUS O’SULLIVAN MAY 2, 2018                        Source: CityLab
Action Coeur de Ville aims to undo the damage of urban sprawl in more than 200 city centers across the country.

France’s city centers are about to get one of the biggest makeovers in their history. Following an announcement last month, the country is launching a vast €5 billion ($6.1 billion) plan called Action Coeur de Ville (Action: Heart of the City) intended to revamp 222 city cores over the next five years with new stores, offices, co-working spaces, and renovated housing.

The amount of money and the sheer number of cities involved in the plan are impressive, and they reveal something little discussed outside France. Despite the country’s justified reputation for urban charm, many French city cores are in a bad state. They got that way through a string of mistakes that will seem eerily familiar to North Americans.

The idea that many French cities are struggling might seem jarring to many people. Walk around the heart of Paris—or major cities such as Nantes or Strasbourg—and you’ll be struck by their apparent success. The streets bustle and are well peppered with small businesses and markets, while housing stock is attractive and in largely good condition.

Go further down the population scale to what the French call Villes Moyennes—“average cities” with populations between 15,000 and 100,000—and that’s where you’ll find failure in the French urban core. These cities are demographically significant and economically vital. They contain 23 percent of France’s population and 26 percent of its jobs. Right now, however, they’re not doing well. Taken together, they report poverty and vacancy rates higher than the national average, lower rates of young graduates, and an unemployment rate that’s a worrying 82 percent higher than France’s as a whole.

Map of the cities participating in Action Coeur de Villes, viewable in larger format here. (Ministère de la Cohésion des territoires)
Some of these problems can be explained by deindustrialization. Many of these medium-sized cities are in France’s now-beleaguered former industrial heartland in the Northeast. Much blame must still be laid at the door of France’s longstanding attitudes to planning. Smaller cities have been laid low partly by an extremely relaxed attitude to urban sprawl, one that has sucked life out of city cores and left many key activities out on the periphery, only really accessible by car. This might not seem a classically French phenomenon, but France isn’t just reflecting a trend to sprawl that’s common across the West. In smaller cities, it has arguably exceeded its neighbors.

That’s because when France moved toward classic 20th century car-friendly infrastructure planning, it moved early and it moved hard. With a large domestic car industry, post-war France was a European trailblazer in creating a nationwide network of out of town malls and retail parks, all well connected to what was then considered an exemplary new highway network.

The country (along with Belgium) was a pioneer of the big-box store, rolling out huge shopping complexes called Hypermarchés that sold everything from clothes to croissants since the 1960s—a phenomenon that didn’t emerge in Britain or Germany until the 1980s or later. It wasn’t just retail that left town centers. Amenities like sports centers and employment agencies—and in cases such as Besançon, even railway stations—also moved out by municipal decree toward the new beltways, creating a situation where the first announcement of arrival in any French city today is not a city wall or fringe of villas but a rampart of parking lots and home improvement stores.


The southwestern city of Bayonne, pictured here, will receive funds from Action Coeur de Ville. (Regis Duvignau/Reuters)
So why did France’s smaller cities develop such an appetite for sprawl? According to Oliver Razemon, author of Comment La France a Tué Ses Villes (“How France Killed Its Towns”), the driving forces are a combination of France’s late urbanization and cultural assumptions pushed through the education system.

“100 years ago, most French people were still living in the countryside,” Razemon told CityLab. “This creates a very different attitude in France to, say, Germany or Italy, where the cities are often far older than the recently founded nation state. In France, by contrast, there is not much attachment to towns as elsewhere.” France’s political system may also have contributed to this attitude. When the country was divided into new units called départements after the revolution, it was partly a process of rationalization and partly an attempt to break down historic regional ties between districts and replace them with a structure governed by appointees from central government. This wasn’t a process designed to create closer affiliation to smaller cities.

“The last government thought it was just about shops. This current government at least realizes it is about amenities and housing, too.”
The French, Razemon says, have also been taught that their country has an overflowing bounty of spare room. “French people have long had the feeling that theirs is a big country, and that therefore there is a lot of space to do whatever you want. Certainly that’s what was being taught 40 years ago, that France was a very big, extremely geographically diverse place.”

There’s some justification to this attitude. Compared to the non-coastal U.S., France may seem heavily populated, but by Western European standards it has a remarkable spaciousness. The comparison of Metropolitan France (that is, subtracting the country’s overseas territories) with the U.K. is instructive. Both countries have a similar population—65.6 million in the U.K. versus 65 million in Metro France—but France’s land area is more than two-and-a-half times greater. As France’s direct self-comparisons are mainly with the neighboring, densely populated Low Countries, Southern England, and Western Germany, it’s understandable that the French have felt that they had a bit of developmental wriggle room. France’s now egregious-seeming tendency to sprawl also had an optimistic bent to it 50 years ago. The country was moving away from a rather grim, poverty-stricken early 20th century and wanted to acquire the best trappings of modernity, which in the 1960s and ‘70s was commonly felt to mean more cars and more car-tailored conveniences.

The effects of unchecked development have still been clearly detrimental in smaller cities. The smaller businesses that France is famous for—and often still thrive in major cities—have closed wholesale, as jobs move to the urban periphery away from the restaurants and cafés they would have sustained if they worked in city centers. As a result, Razemon notes, butchers and bakers have been shuttered in many city centers, replaced by tattoo parlors or pawn shops, or simply left empty. In places such as the far-northern city of Arras (included in the new action plan) vacancy rates have hit 20 percent of all real estate. And while historic buildings are still kept in largely good condition, public squares have been taken over by parking lots. Meanwhile 19th and early 20th century structures are often rundown, leaving parts of even rather beautiful old quarters (such as Perpignan’s) with a reputation as undesirable, low-quality places to live.

The city of Auxerre, about 100 miles southeast of Paris, also stands to receive money from the scheme. (Charles Platiau/Reuters)
What makes this process more striking is that France has made a sow’s ear out of a silk purse—its urban treasure chest is still rich in beauty. Away from the world war battlefields, traveling from one town to another feels like running down a thread of jewels in which each stone is distinctive and delightful. When it comes to sheer consistency of charm, only Portugal’s smaller cities can really match France’s trove within Europe, and only Italy’s can surpass it.

A look at the cities included in the action plan bears this out. Look at this improbably grand square plonked in the middle of humdrum Angoulême (population 42,000), the Germanic half-timbered houses along the riverside in the Alsatian city of Colmar (68,000), the dramatic hillside setting of Laon (25,000) or the grid-planned orderliness of late-medieval Villefranche de Rouergue (12,000). Even cities in regions less commonly thought to be picturesque, such as far northern Bethune (26,000) turn out to be rich in character and variety.

Not all of these cities are struggling, of course. Towns that have a large flow of tourists do well, as do very remote cities (where people have stayed downtown) and places where mountains or lakes hem in the potential for sprawl. But many still need a reboot.


Market Research & Insights Job Trends: New titles, new skills

Being able to connect the data with business strategy decision making

The Truth About Globalization, Harvard Business Review

Adi Ignatius

Public sentiment about globalization has taken a sharp turn. The election of Donald Trump, Brexit, and the rise of ultra-right parties in Europe are all signs of growing popular displeasure with the free movement of trade, capital, people, and information. Even among business leaders, doubts about the benefits of global interconnectedness surfaced during the 2008 financial meltdown and haven’t fully receded.

In “Globalization in the Age of Trump,” Pankaj Ghemawat, a professor of global strategy at NYU’s Stern School and at IESE Business School, acknowledges these shifts. But he predicts that their impact will be limited, in large part because the world was never as “flat” as many thought.

“The contrast between the mixed-to-positive data on actual international flows and the sharply negative swing in the discourse about globalization may be rooted, ironically, in the tendency of even experienced executives to greatly overestimate the intensity of international business flows,” writes Ghemawat. Moreover, his research suggests that public policy leaders “tend to underestimate the potential gains from increased globalization and to overestimate its harmful consequences.”

The once-popular vision of a globally integrated enterprise operating in a virtually borderless world has lost its hold, weakened not just by politics but by the realities of doing business in very different markets with very different dynamics and rules. Now is the time for business and political leaders to find a balance—encouraging policies that generate global prosperity at a level that democratic societies can accept.


Overfitting in Statistics

Figure 1.  The green line represents an overfitted model and the black line represents a regularized model. While the green line best follows the training data, it is too dependent on that data and it is likely to have a higher error rate on new unseen data, compared to the black line.

Figure 2.  Noisy (roughly linear) data is fitted to a linear function and a polynomial function. Although the polynomial function is a perfect fit, the linear function can be expected to generalize better: if the two functions were used to extrapolate beyond the fit data, the linear function would make better predictions.

In statistics, overfitting is “the production of an analysis that corresponds too closely or exactly to a particular set of data, and may therefore fail to fit additional data or predict future observations reliably”.[1] An overfitted model is a statistical model that contains more parameters than can be justified by the data.[2] The essence of overfitting is to have unknowingly extracted some of the residual variation (i.e. the noise) as if that variation represented underlying model structure.[3]:45

Underfitting occurs when a statistical model cannot adequately capture the underlying structure of the data. An underfitted model is a model where some parameters or terms that would appear in a correctly specified model are missing.[2] Underfitting would occur, for example, when fitting a linear model to non-linear data. Such a model will tend to have poor predictive performance.

Overfitting and underfitting can occur in machine learning, in particular. In machine learning, the phenomena are sometimes called “overtraining” and “undertraining”.

The possibility of overfitting exists because the criterion used for selecting the model is not the same as the criterion used to judge the suitability of a model. For example, a model might be selected by maximizing its performance on some set of training data, and yet its suitability might be determined by its ability to perform well on unseen data; then overfitting occurs when a model begins to “memorize” training data rather than “learning” to generalize from a trend.

As an extreme example, if the number of parameters is the same as or greater than the number of observations, then a model can perfectly predict the training data simply by memorizing the data in its entirety. (For an illustration, see Figure 2.) Such a model, though, will typically fail severely when making predictions.

The potential for overfitting depends not only on the number of parameters and data but also the conformability of the model structure with the data shape, and the magnitude of model error compared to the expected level of noise or error in the data.[citation needed] Even when the fitted model does not have an excessive number of parameters, it is to be expected that the fitted relationship will appear to perform less well on a new data set than on the data set used for fitting (a phenomenon sometimes known as shrinkage).[2] In particular, the value of the coefficient of determination will shrink relative to the original data.

To lessen the chance of, or amount of, overfitting, several techniques are available (e.g. model comparisoncross-validationregularizationearly stoppingpruningBayesian priors, or dropout). The basis of some techniques is either (1) to explicitly penalize overly complex models or (2) to test the model’s ability to generalize by evaluating its performance on a set of data not used for training, which is assumed to approximate the typical unseen data that a model will encounter.

Writing Style by Definition

  1. articulate – able to express your thoughts, arguments, and ideas clearly and effectively; writing or speech is clear and easy to understand
  2. chatty – a chatty writing style is friendly and informal
  3. circuitous – taking a long time to say what you really mean when you are talking or writing about something
  4. clean – clean language or humour does not offend people, especially because it does not involve sex
  5. conversational – a conversational style of writing or speaking is informal, like a private conversation
  6. crisp – crisp speech or writing is clear and effective
  7. declamatory – expressing feelings or opinions with great force
  8. diffuse – using too many words and not easy to understand
  9. discursive – including information that is not relevant to the main subject
  10. economical – an economical way of speaking or writing does not use more words than are necessary
  11. elliptical – suggesting what you mean rather than saying or writing it clearly
  12. eloquent – expressing what you mean using clear and effective language
  13. emphatic – making your meaning very clear because you have very strong feelings about a situation or subject
  14. emphatically – very firmly and clearly
  15. epigrammatic – expressing something such as a feeling or idea in a short and clever or funny way
  16. epistolary – relating to the writing of letters
  17. euphemistic – euphemistic expressions are used for talking about unpleasant or embarrassing subjects without mentioning the things themselves
  18. flowery – flowery language or writing uses many complicated words that are intended to make it more attractive
  19. fluent – expressing yourself in a clear and confident way, without seeming to make an effort
  20. formal – correct or conservative in style, and suitable for official or serious situations or occasions
  21. gossipy – a gossipy letter is lively and full of news about the writer of the letter and about other people
  22. grandiloquent – expressed in extremely formal language in order to impress people, and often sounding silly because of this
  23. idiomatic – expressing things in a way that sounds natural
  24. inarticulate – not able to express clearly what you want to say; not spoken or pronounced clearly
  25. incoherent – unable to express yourself clearly
  26. informal – used about language or behaviour that is suitable for using with friends but not in formal situations
  27. journalistic – similar in style to journalism
  28. learned – a learned piece of writing shows great knowledge about a subject, especially an academic subject
  29. literary – involving books or the activity of writing, reading, or studying books; relating to the kind of words that are used only in stories or poems, and not in normal writing or speech
  30. lyric – using words to express feelings in the way that a song would
  31. lyrical – having the qualities of music
  32. ornate – using unusual words and complicated sentences
  33. orotund – containing extremely formal and complicated language intended to impress people
  34. parenthetical – not directly connected with what you are saying or writing
  35. pejorative – a pejorative word, phrase etc expresses criticism or a bad opinion of someone or something
  36. picturesque – picturesque language is unusual and interesting
  37. pithy – a pithy statement or piece of writing is short and very effective
  38. poetic – expressing ideas in a very sensitive way and with great beauty or imagination
  39. polemical – using or supported by strong arguments
  40. ponderous – ponderous writing or speech is serious and boring
  41. portentous – trying to seem very serious and important, in order to impress people
  42. prolix – using too many words and therefore boring
  43. punchy – a punchy piece of writing such as a speech, report, or slogan is one that has a strong effect because it uses clear simple language and not many words
  44. rambling – a rambling speech or piece of writing is long and confusing
  45. readable – writing that is readable is clear and able to be read
  46. rhetorical – relating to a style of speaking or writing that is effective or intended to influence people; written or spoken in a way that is impressive but is not honest
  47. rhetorically – in a way that expects or wants no answer; using or relating to rhetoric
  48. rough – a rough drawing or piece of writing is not completely finished
  49. roundly– in a strong and clear way
  50. sententious – expressing opinions about right and wrong behaviour in a way that is intended to impress people
  51. sesquipedalian – using a lot of long words that most people do not understand
  52. Shakespearean – using words in the way that is typical of Shakespeare’s writing
  53. stylistic – relating to ways of creating effects, especially in language and literature
  54. succinct – expressed in a very short but clear way
  55. turgid – using language in a way that is complicated and difficult to understand
  56. unprintable – used for describing writing or words that you think are offensive
  57. vague – someone who is vague does not clearly or fully explain something
  58. verbose – using more words than necessary, and therefore long and boring
  59. well-turned – a well-turned phrase is one that is expressed well
  60. wordy – using more words than are necessary, especially long or formal words

Source for Words: Macmillan Dictionary on

El ‘modus operandi’ del Ibex 35 en América Latina

Un informe de Ecologistas en Acción y OMAL, entre otros, denuncia las malas prácticas de las grandes corporaciones españolas en Latinoamérica

07 febrero 2018
El ‘modus operandi’ del Ibex 35 en América Latina
Vista aérea de una zona deforestada en Pará (Brasil). Foto: Alberto César / Greenpeace.

Grandes empresas del Ibex 35 con negocios en América Latina vulneran derechos elementales de las personas y el medio ambiente bajo “patrones sistemáticos” que van desde el supuesto pago de sobornos hasta la infiltración de colectivos que se oponen a sus megaproyectos, según el informe El Ibex 35 en guerra contra la vida, realizado por  Ecologistas en Acción, con ayuda del Observatorio de Multinacionales en América Latina (OMAL) y la organización Calala Fondo de Mujeres.

El informe, elaborado por Miriam García-Torres, analiza los conflictos socioecológicos y la violación de derechos relacionados con algunas prácticas de las transnacionales españolas. En este sentido, recuerdan la tragedia medioambiental de la represa Belo Monte (Brasil) -en cuya propiedad participa Iberdrola-; el impacto causado por la actividad de Repsol en la Amazonía peruana y los problemas generados en México por Gas Natural Fenosa, Acciona y Renovalia, entre otros.

El informe arranca citando a numerosas instituciones y organismos internacionales que arrojan datos impactantes. Por ejemplo, 69 de las 100 entidades económicas más poderosas del mundo son multinacionales, no Estados. Las 10 corporaciones más grandes del planeta registran un volumen de negocio superior a la suma del PIB de 180 países.

Las estrategias de acumulación de poder de estas multinacionales han evolucionado con el tiempo, pero el objetivo sigue siendo el mismo: “Dar prioridad a la generación de beneficios económicos por encima de cualquier proceso de reproducción de la vida”, sostiene García-Torres. América Latina, región periférica en el capitalismo global, es uno de los objetivos geoestratégicos más importantes para las grandes corporaciones de España, uno de los principales socios comerciales de la región.

El informe desvela las prácticas de las grandes corporaciones y pone en tela de juicio los métodos empleados para obtener el petróleo, el cobre o la madera, entre otras materias primas. Tal y como recoge este trabajo, no es casual que dos de cada tres activistas asesinados en 2017 realizaran su labor en América Latina (en total, más de 300 personas según Front Line Defenders), una región que desde tiempos coloniales depende económicamente de la exportación de materias primas a los países industrializados del norte. Tampoco lo es que el 40% de esas víctimas fueran indígenas. “Los asesinatos son solo la punta del iceberg de un patrón sistemático para acallar a quienes se enfrentan a los intereses corporativos, que incluyen amenazas, hostigamiento y detenciones, entre otras agresiones”, sostiene García-Torres, especializada en conflictos socioecológicos y en ecología política feminista.

Indígenas y campesinos

Las violaciones de derechos humanos que cometen algunas grandes corporaciones españolas en América Latina presentan varios factores en común, según la investigación de García-Torres. Por lo general, tienen lugar en territorios en manos de indígenas y campesinos, dos grupos especialmente vulnerables que padecen la impunidad de altos cargos directivos y políticos en la región. Estas prácticas corporativas utilizan y al mismo tiempo profundizan la desigualdad entre hombres y mujeres en las comunidades afectadas, sostiene el informe. Como consecuencia, la llegada de multinacionales españolas acelera la pérdida de soberanía alimentaria y política de quienes habitan esas zonas, especialmente de las mujeres.

Otro punto en común de la ‘marca España’ en América Latina es la puesta en marcha de megaproyectos de distinta índole sin llevar a cabo ningún tipo de consulta previa con las personas afectadas por los mismos, tal y como exige el Convenio 169 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo y la Declaración de los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas de la ONU. Para solventar estos escollos, las transnacionales cuentan con importantes aliados en grandes medios de comunicación y usan la influencia de exaltos cargos políticos (puertas giratorias).

También es frecuente, según denuncia el informe, que la actividad de las compañías del Ibex 35 en suelo latinoamericano tengan una incidencia especialmente desastrosa sobre los recursos hídricos y la tierra, dando lugar a graves casos de deforestación, pérdida de biodiversidad y fragmentación de ecosistemas, entre otros impactos ecológicos. Este factor, agravado por la falta de transparencia, aparece de la mano de prácticas también habituales en las multinacionales españolas, como el pago de sobornos, la creación de redes clientelares, la extorsión e incluso las injerencias en colectivos y organizaciones locales, añade el documento. “Estas agresiones no siempre son cometidas directamente por los actores corporativos, pero todas ellas tienen lugar en el marco de los conflictos originados por sus actividades y están dirigidas a asegurar los intereses económicos de sus inversiones”, matiza Ecologistas en Acción.

Repsol: gas a toda costa en la Amazonía peruana

El caso de Repsol en Perú es uno de los más ilustrativos para comprender la dinámica que caracteriza el quehacer de las transnacionales españolas en América Latina. La petrolera española participa en el proyecto de gas de Camisea (Amazonía peruana), un negocio financiado por BBVA y participado por otras compañías con sede en Madrid. En Camisea se extrae el 95% del gas que produce Perú y afecta a un territorio protegido en el que habitan siete importantes comunidades indígenas, tres de ellas en situación de aislamiento voluntario.

Desde su llegada a Perú, Repsol jugó a influir en el gobierno para promover cambios legales que facilitasen su negocio a toda costa. Primero se benefició de las medidas del exdictador Alberto Fujimori, que abrió la puerta a las multinacionales extractivas, y más tarde aplaudió las medidas del expresidente Ollanta Humala (hoy preso por un caso de  corrupción que involucra a la española Enagás) en detrimento de la protección medioambiental e indígena, una tendencia que hoy continúa el presidente Pedro Kuczynski.

El informe repasa los megaproyectos de Repsol y sus sociedades en Perú, y cuantifica sus impactos: 10.000 barriles de gas licuado derramados en 2013, contaminación de acuíferos, merma de la fauna ictiológica (“un mito”, según un directivo de Repsol) y silvestre (se redujo en un 67%), y una constante precarización del trabajo y pérdida de soberanía alimentaria de las comunidades locales, cada vez más afectadas por los estragos naturales de la petrolera española y el entramado de sociedades con que opera en el país que alberga la segunda mayor reserva forestal de América Latina. Actualmente, el 80% de los indígenas nahua, uno de los pueblos afectados, padece contaminación por mercurio asociada a las explotaciones gasistas de Camisea.

ACS: las represas de la codicia en Guatemala

La constructora de Florentino Pérez también está envuelta en escándalos que reflejan la impunidad de las transnacionales españolas en América Latina. ACS participa en la construcción de tres plantas hidroeléctricas en el complejo Renace, el más grande de Guatemala. A través de su filial Cobra, el Grupo ACS usa sus nexos con el poder político guatemalteco y español para obtener beneficios y cambios legislativos que facilitan su negocio, en perjuicio del medio ambiente y de quienes viven del río Cahabón, el más importante del país.

ACS y otras empresas involucradas en este megaproyecto aseguran que están beneficiando al país. Sin embargo, el departamento de Alta Verapaz, que alberga numerosas poblaciones indígenas y un tercio del negocio hidroeléctrico, es la que menos cobertura eléctrica tiene en todo Guatemala. Solo el 3% de su población local atiene acceso a agua potable y los conflictos sociales han estallado debido a los daños que causa la multinacional española en los recursos hídricos de esta y otras regiones, así como la negativa de ACS a negociar con poblaciones locales, la invasión de pequeñas tierras en manos de familias que se niegan a venderlas. Al menos 263 defensores y defensoras ambientales críticos con este proyecto hidroeléctrico han sido atacadas, según datos de la UDEFEGUA. “Somos la mano de obra de los promotores, sin ninguna responsabilidad social”, declaró una fuente de Cobra citada en el informe.

Corredor eólico en México

En una franja de Oaxaca, sureste de México, conocida como Istmo de Tehuantepec, viven cinco pueblos indígenas. Los vientos de este territorio hacen que sea un lugar muy atractivo para la generación de energía eólica. Actualmente varias corporaciones españolas construyen allí el corredor eólico más grande de América Latina (5.000 aerogeneradores), un proyecto que también se rige por el modus operandi de la ‘marca España’ en la región que describe el informe.

Gas Natural Fenosa, Iberdrola, Acciona y Renovalia controlan más de la mitad de los parques eólicos del Istmo de Tehuantepec, y el 87% de sus aerogeneradores salieron de las plantas de Gamesa y Acciona. Este megaproyecto tampoco está exento de problemas: denuncias por apropiación de territorios y bienes comunes; problemas de discriminación (la población local sigue teniendo graves carencias de acceso a electricidad), pérdida de biodiversidad (allí convergen las principales rutas de aves migratorias), alteraciones en el cauce de los ríos, pérdida de tierra fértil, vertidos masivos de aceites y otros desechos…

El documento pone énfasis en cómo la falta de transparencia y diálogo con comunidades locales han hecho que este megaproyecto destruya el tejido social de ese territorio. Las multinacionales españolas mencionadas, especialmente Iberdrola, están acusadas de corromper a funcionarios públicos y ciudadanos para que se infiltren en las asambleas locales que denuncian y resisten ante estas prácticas. La supuesta connivencia entre las trasnacionales españolas y el poder político en México llega al punto de que son agentes de policía y militares quienes hacen de guardias privadosen las instalaciones privadas de estas empresas. “Tanto es así que las comunidades locales han denunciado amenazas, intimidaciones y amedrantamiento por parte de personal de Iberdrola, Gas Natural Fenosa, Acciona y Renovalia”, recoge el informe. Este también informa de que, “en algunos casos, personas defensoras y periodistas que trabajan sobre el conflicto han recibido amenazas de muerte, y se han reportado actos de violencia física y agresiones con armas de fuego”.

Más desigualdad entre hombres y mujeres

Las prácticas de las multinacionales en América Latina están agravando y aprovechando al mismo tiempo la desigualdad entre hombres y mujeres, explica García-Torres en el documento. Por un lado, las compañías españolas analizadas dan prioridad a las negociaciones bilaterales, dejando de lado el diálogo colectivo y excluyendo a las mujeres en la toma de decisiones. Al mismo tiempo, estas corporaciones fomentan contrataciones precarias que dificultan la independencia de las mujeres. La violencia que se genera en torno a estos negocios y la frecuente militarización de los territorios afectados también representa una traba en el empoderamiento de las mujeres latinoamericanas. A pesar de todo esto, son ellas las que cada vez con más frecuencia lideran las luchas y resistencias frente a las crisis ecológicas, humanitarias y económicas que generan las multinacionales.

La publicación de este informe estuvo acompañada por un acto de protesta de varios activistas ante la Bolsa de Madrid. El documento subraya la importancia de crear leyes internacionales con carácter vinculante para evitar que estas prácticas sigan perpetuándose. Además, insta a la Unión Europea a suspender las negociaciones para la firma de nuevos tratados de libre comercio, al considerar que “refuerzan la arquitectura jurídica de la impunidad a favor de las transnacionales”, y anima a las autoridades a potenciar las formas de economía social, bajo criterios ecologistas y feministas.

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